The AI Reader.
When AI Breaks

A health algorithm predicted cost, and scored sicker Black patients as lower-risk

A 2019 study of nearly 50,000 patients showed the tool doing exactly what it was built to do, predicting next year's medical spending rather than illness.

Why this matters

Hospitals, insurers, and clinics rank patients by a computed risk score to decide who gets extra care, and tools of this kind are applied to about 200 million people in the United States each year. In 2019 four researchers took one of them apart and found it giving equally sick Black patients lower scores than white patients. No one had entered race. The cause was the single number the tool was trained to predict. By the end of this lesson you will be able to say exactly how a score with race nowhere in it produced a racial gap, and why the same failure waits inside any system that predicts a convenient stand-in for the thing it actually cares about.

Background optional reading
01
nH Predict sets one patient's discharge date from six million others: another UnitedHealth care algorithm, and what happens when its output becomes the decision.
02
Amazon's resume screener taught itself to penalize the word 'women's': a scoring model that learned bias straight from the data it was trained on.

The score that chose who got extra care

Health systems use a risk score, a single number predicting how much medical attention a patient will need, to pick who receives extra help. One commercial scoring tool ran at a large academic hospital, rating every primary-care patient in a risk-based insurance contract and flagging the highest scorers for a high-risk care management program that adds nurses, appointments, and follow-up. Patients above the 97th percentile of the score were enrolled automatically.1

In October 2019 Ziad Obermeyer, Brian Powers, Christine Vogeli, and Sendhil Mullainathan published a study in Science of that tool. They worked from 49,618 patients at the hospital, 6,079 Black and 43,539 white, observed over 100,009 patient-years from 2013 to 2015.1 The score decided who the program reached.

Hold the score still

Take two patients the tool gave the same risk score, one Black and one white. By the score they are equally sick. They are not. At the 97th-percentile line where patients were enrolled automatically, Black patients carried 4.8 active chronic conditions on average against 3.8 for white patients at the same score, 26.3% more (P < 0.001).1 The gap holds across the whole range of scores and widens toward the top.1

In the program as it ran, 19.2% of the patients it enrolled were Black.1 The authors then asked what that group would look like if the score tracked illness instead. Swapping in the sicker patients the score had passed over, at each threshold, until the marginal patient of each race was equally sick, would raise the Black share from 17.7% to 46.5%.1 That second figure is a simulation, not a change anyone made. It is the share you reach on paper once the health gap at each score is closed.

4.8 vs 3.8active chronic conditions at the same top-risk score, Black vs white
19.2%observed Black share of automatically enrolled patients
46.5%simulated Black share once the health gap is removed, from 17.7%

The label was cost

A prediction model learns whatever target it is trained on. That target is the label. This tool's label was not illness. It was next-year total medical cost. The tool predicted how much each patient would cost the health system in the coming year, and the program read that cost prediction as a measure of need.1 Predicting cost is the industry default: the most accurate commercial risk-scoring models predict future spending from past spending, and the Society of Actuaries evaluated the ten most widely used tools by how well they predicted cost.2

Cost and illness are not the same thing, and they come apart by race. At equal illness, less money is spent on Black patients, through worse access, fewer specialist referrals, and less trust built over time, so their recorded cost runs below their need. The wedge is about $1,801 a year at the same number of chronic conditions.1 The tool learned cost, so it learned that lower spending and scored those patients as lower-risk.

By its own target the tool was well-calibrated. At the same risk score, the two groups' realized costs nearly match.

At the same risk score, realized cost is nearly equal across race while illness is not, so a cost label reads as calibrated and still ranks Black patients' need too low.1
Measure at equal risk score Black White
Realized cost, median score $5,147 $4,995
Realized cost, top 5% of scores $35,541 $34,059
Active chronic conditions, 97th percentile 4.8 3.8

Cost lined up across race. Illness did not. A tool audited only on how well it predicted cost would pass that audit. And the tool never used race as an input; the paper states plainly that it excludes race.1 The disparity arrived anyway, carried in by the correlation between spending and race.

The vendor confirmed the bias

The study named no vendor. The authors reported no contact with the tool's manufacturer until the analysis was finished, and the paper identifies the product nowhere.1 The public code repository they later released keeps the same reticence, calling the source only "our health system partner."3 The name came from outside the study. Reporters identified the tool as Optum's Impact Pro.4 On 25 October 2019, the day the study appeared, New York's Department of Financial Services and Department of Health wrote jointly to UnitedHealth Group's chief executive, David Wichmann, naming Impact Pro and calling its racially disparate results "unlawful in New York."5 The letter, signed by Superintendent Linda Lacewell and Commissioner Howard Zucker, asked the company to prove the tool was not discriminatory or to stop using it.5

The company did not dispute the finding.

The vendor's account
Impact Pro "was highly predictive of cost, which is what it was designed to do."6 UnitedHealth Group, on the algorithm New York had questioned

That restates the study's own account of the mechanism, offered as a defense. The disagreement is about what the tool should predict, not about whether predicting cost produced the gap. The manufacturer then replicated the analysis on 3,695,943 commercially insured patients of its own and found the same pattern: at a given risk score, Black patients had 48,772 more active chronic conditions than white patients.1 Relabeling the model to predict health rather than cost alone cut that excess by 84%.1

When the label is a proxy

The failure here is not special to health care. It is a property of a choice every scoring system makes. When the thing you care about is hard to measure, illness or need or merit, you train the model on a stand-in you can measure. That stand-in is the proxy. The model learns the proxy exactly, and inherits every way the proxy differs from the target you meant.

In plain language

A model learns the label you give it, not the goal you had in mind. Choose a proxy for that goal and the model reproduces the gap between them, including any bias sitting in the gap.1

Cost is one such proxy, and the authors showed the choice of label alone drives the result. Train the same tool on total cost and the highest-risk group is 14.1% Black; train it on the number of active chronic conditions and the group is 26.7% Black.1 Same patients, same features, nearly twice the representation, from the label and nothing else.

Proxies stand in for goals across deployed scoring: engagement for what a reader values, arrests for crime, prior spending for health need, past hiring for a good candidate. The health tools that predict need this way reach on the order of 200 million people a year, which is what makes the choice of label consequential.1 In 2021 the study's authors published an Algorithmic Bias Playbook describing biased algorithms as "deployed throughout the health care system, influencing clinical care, operational workflows, and policy," and set out a four-step audit for finding the same fault elsewhere.78 The pattern recurs in cases this desk has covered: a credit-limit model New York cleared without proving it fair, another UnitedHealth tool whose length-of-stay estimate set discharge dates, a resume screener that learned to penalize signals of being a woman. In each, the label carried what no one wrote into the features.

The takeaway

The tool was not broken. It predicted cost accurately, and cost is not health. Because less is spent on equally sick Black patients, a score built on cost ranked their need too low, with race nowhere in its inputs. That is what a proxy does: the model learns the label it is given and carries in every difference between that label and the goal you meant. So when you meet a score that decides who gets help, the first question is not whether it is accurate. It is what the score was trained to predict, and how that target comes apart from the one that matters.

Go deeper optional reading
01
Obermeyer, Powers, Vogeli, and Mullainathan, the full Science study: every denominator, figure, and the label-choice experiments in one place.
02
Sendhil Mullainathan, "Biased Algorithms Are Easier to Fix Than Biased People": a co-author's plain-language case that a biased model is more tractable than a biased institution.

Sources

  1. Obermeyer, Powers, Vogeli & Mullainathan, Science · Dissecting racial bias in an algorithm used to manage the health of populations (2019)
  2. Society of Actuaries · Accuracy of Claims-Based Risk Scoring Models (Hileman & Steele, 2016)
  3. Obermeyer et al. · dissecting-bias reproduction repository
  4. Science News · Bias in a common algorithm hurts Black patients
  5. New York DFS & DoH · Joint letter to UnitedHealth Group (25 Oct 2019)
  6. Government Technology · NY Regulators Probe for Racial Bias in Health Care Algorithm
  7. Center for Applied AI, Chicago Booth · Algorithmic Bias Playbook (2021)
  8. UC Berkeley School of Public Health · Obermeyer and colleagues release the Algorithmic Bias Playbook